25 results
Risk assessment for people living with dementia: a systematic review
- Juanita Hoe, Elena Profyri, Charlotte Kemp, Monica Manela, Lucy Webster, Justine Anthony, Sergi Costafreda, Frank Arrojo, Helen Souris, Gill Livingston
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- Journal:
- International Psychogeriatrics / Volume 36 / Issue 4 / April 2024
- Published online by Cambridge University Press:
- 06 December 2023, pp. 263-288
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Objective:
This systematic review identified key components of risk assessment for people with dementia, examined attitudes toward risk identification and risk assessment, and appraised existing risk assessment tools.
Methods:Systematic searches of five databases on two platforms (EBSCO, OVID) and gray literature databases (Open Grey, Base) were conducted. Studies were screened for inclusion based on predetermined eligibility criteria and quality assessed using the Mixed Methods Appraisal Tool. Findings were tabulated and synthesized using thematic synthesis.
Results:Our review found people with dementia, their family carers, and healthcare professionals differed in how risk is conceptualized, with views being shaped by media perceptions, personal experiences, socio-cultural influences, dementia knowledge, and dementia severity. We found that mobilization (causing falls inside and getting lost outside) is the most frequently identified risk factor. Our findings show people with dementia are generally risk-tolerant, while healthcare professionals may adopt risk-averse approaches because of organizational requirements. We found factors that disrupt daily routines, living and caring arrangements, medication management, and unclear care pathways contribute toward adverse risk events. We discovered that most studies about risk and risk assessment scales did not consider insight of the person with dementia into risks although this is important for the impact of a risk. No risk instrument identified had sufficient evidence that it was useful.
Conclusion:Accurate risk assessment and effective communication strategies that include the perspectives of people with dementia are needed to enable risk-tolerant practice. No risk instrument to date was shown to be widely acceptable and useful in practice.
Fish oil minimises feed intake and improves insulin sensitivity in Zucker fa/fa rats
- Charlotte Corporeau, Christelle Le Foll, Céline Cruciani-Guglielmacci, Hervé Le Stunff, Gilles Mithieux, Christophe Magnan, Jacques Delarue
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- Journal:
- British Journal of Nutrition / Volume 131 / Issue 5 / 14 March 2024
- Published online by Cambridge University Press:
- 25 October 2023, pp. 749-761
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- 14 March 2024
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Long-chain n-3 PUFA (LC n-3 PUFA) prevent, in rodents, insulin resistance (IR) induced by a high-fat and/or fructose diet but not IR induced by glucocorticoids. In humans, contrasting effects have also been reported. We investigated their effects on insulin sensitivity, feed intake (FI) and body weight gain in genetically insulin resistant male obese (fa/fa) Zucker (ZO) rats during the development of obesity. ZO rats were fed a diet supplemented with 7 % fish oil (FO) + 1 % corn oil (CO) (wt/wt) (ZOFO), while the control group was fed a diet containing 8 % fat from CO (wt/wt) (ZOCO). Male lean Zucker (ZL) rats fed either FO (ZLFO) or CO (ZLCO) diet were used as controls. FO was a marine-derived TAG oil containing EPA 90 mg/g + DHA 430 mg/g. During an oral glucose tolerance test, glucose tolerance remained unaltered by FO while insulin response was reduced in ZOFO only. Liver insulin sensitivity (euglycaemic–hyperinsulinaemic clamp + 2 deoxyglucose) was improved in ZOFO rats, linked to changes in phosphoenolpyruvate carboxykinase expression, activity and glucose-6-phosphatase activity. FI in response to intra-carotid insulin/glucose infusion was decreased similarly in ZOFO and ZOCO. Hypothalamic ceramides levels were lower in ZOFO than in ZOCO. Our study demonstrates that LC n-3 PUFA can minimise weight gain, possibly by alleviating hypothalamic lipotoxicity, and liver IR in genetically obese Zucker rats.
7 - Rethinking the Role of the Community in Proactive Policing
- from Part II - The Evidence for Evidence-Based Policing
- Edited by David Weisburd, Hebrew University of Jerusalem and George Mason University, Virginia, Tal Jonathan-Zamir, Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Gali Perry, Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Badi Hasisi, Hebrew University of Jerusalem
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- The Future of Evidence-Based Policing
- Published online:
- 01 June 2023
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- 15 June 2023, pp 126-144
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Summary
The 2018 National Academy of Sciences report on proactive policing acknowledges that police strategies to prevent crime are likely to have collateral consequences on community outcomes, and in some cases (such as community-oriented policing) aim to shape community outcomes directly. However, strategies that effectively prevent crime have mixed effects on community outcomes, while approaches that improve community perceptions of the police often do not have strong crime control benefits. In this chapter I propose that the future of proactive policing may depend on developing a better understanding of the complex relationship between communities, police, and crime prevention. Rather than viewing community impacts and crime prevention impacts as two separate processes, I argue that community support and collaboration are inherent to proactivity and may ultimately moderate the success or failure of proactive policing strategies. I conclude with suggestions for future research and theory development to better understand this relationship and translate research into effective practice.
Evaluation of a complex intervention for prisoners with common mental health problems, near to and after release: the Engager randomised controlled trial
- Richard Byng, Tim Kirkpatrick, Charlotte Lennox, Fiona C. Warren, Rob Anderson, Sarah Louise Brand, Lynne Callaghan, Lauren Carroll, Graham Durcan, Laura Gill, Sara Goodier, Jonathan Graham, Rebecca Greer, Mark Haddad, Tirril Harris, William Henley, Rachael Hunter, Sarah Leonard, Mike Maguire, Susan Michie, Christabel Owens, Mark Pearson, Cath Quinn, Sarah Rybczynska-Bunt, Caroline Stevenson, Amy Stewart, Alex Stirzaker, Roxanne Todd, Florian Walter, Lauren Weston, Nat Wright, Rod S. Taylor, Jenny Shaw
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- Journal:
- The British Journal of Psychiatry / Volume 222 / Issue 1 / January 2023
- Published online by Cambridge University Press:
- 18 August 2022, pp. 18-26
- Print publication:
- January 2023
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Background
Many male prisoners have significant mental health problems, including anxiety and depression. High proportions struggle with homelessness and substance misuse.
AimsThis study aims to evaluate whether the Engager intervention improves mental health outcomes following release.
MethodThe design is a parallel randomised superiority trial that was conducted in the North West and South West of England (ISRCTN11707331). Men serving a prison sentence of 2 years or less were individually allocated 1:1 to either the intervention (Engager plus usual care) or usual care alone. Engager included psychological and practical support in prison, on release and for 3–5 months in the community. The primary outcome was the Clinical Outcomes in Routine Evaluation Outcome Measure (CORE-OM), 6 months after release. Primary analysis compared groups based on intention-to-treat (ITT).
ResultsIn total, 280 men were randomised out of the 396 who were potentially eligible and agreed to participate; 105 did not meet the mental health inclusion criteria. There was no mean difference in the ITT complete case analysis between groups (92 in each arm) for change in the CORE-OM score (1.1, 95% CI –1.1 to 3.2, P = 0.325) or secondary analyses. There were no consistent clinically significant between-group differences for secondary outcomes. Full delivery was not achieved, with 77% (108/140) receiving community-based contact.
ConclusionsEngager is the first trial of a collaborative care intervention adapted for prison leavers. The intervention was not shown to be effective using standard outcome measures. Further testing of different support strategies for prison with mental health problems is needed.
Cardiovascular events in perimembranous ventricular septal defect with left ventricular volume overload: a French prospective cohort study (FRANCISCO)
- Part of
- Lisa Guirgis, Estibaliz Valdeolmillos, Guy Vaksmann, Clément Karsenty, Ali Houeijeh, Eric Hery, Pascal Amedro, Nicolas Pangaud, Nadir Benbrik, Carine Vastel, Antoine Legendre, Zakaria Jalal, Khaled Hadeed, Magalie Ladouceur, Laurence Iserin, Daniela Laux, Xavier Iriart, Karine Warin Fresse, Bertrand Leobon, Samir Harchaoui, Virginie Lambert, Ronan Bonefoy, Adeline Basquin, Aurélie Chalard, Stéphanie Douchin, Ivan Bouzguenda, Charlotte Denis, Hugues Lucron, Gilles Bosser, Elise Barre, Bérangère Urbina-Hiel, Pauline Helms, Hélène Ansquer, Quentin Hauet, Anne-Sophie Leborgne, Laurence Cohen, Jean Marc Lupoglazoff, Maurice Guirgis, Céline Gronier, Pascale Maragnes, Pamela Moceri, Pierre Mauran, Claire Bertail, Bruno Lefort, François Godart, Alban-Elouen Baruteau, Caroline Ovaert, Damien Bonnet, Nicolas Combes, Diala Khraiche, Lucile Houyel, Jean Benoit Thambo, Meriem Mostefa-Kara, Sébastien Hascoet
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- Journal:
- Cardiology in the Young / Volume 31 / Issue 10 / October 2021
- Published online by Cambridge University Press:
- 23 September 2021, pp. 1557-1562
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The long-term prospective multi-centre nationwide (French) observational study FRANCISCO will provide new information on perimembranous ventricular septal defect with left ventricular overload but no pulmonary hypertension in children older than 1 year. Outcomes will be compared according to treatment strategy (watchful waiting, surgical closure, or percutaneous closure) and anatomic features of the defect. The results are expected to provide additional guidance about the optimal treatment of this specific population, which is unclear at present.
Clinical effectiveness of a skills training intervention for caregivers in improving patient and caregiver health following in-patient treatment for severe anorexia nervosa: pragmatic randomised controlled trial
- Rebecca Hibbs, Nicholas Magill, Elizabeth Goddard, Charlotte Rhind, Simone Raenker, Pamela Macdonald, Gill Todd, Jon Arcelus, John Morgan, Jennifer Beecham, Ulrike Schmidt, Sabine Landau, Janet Treasure
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- Journal:
- BJPsych Open / Volume 1 / Issue 1 / June 2015
- Published online by Cambridge University Press:
- 02 January 2018, pp. 56-66
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Background
Families express a need for information to support people with severe anorexia nervosa.
AimsTo examine the impact of the addition of a skills training intervention for caregivers (Experienced Caregivers Helping Others, ECHO) to standard care.
MethodPatients over the age of 12 (mean age 26 years, duration 72 months illness) with a primary diagnosis of anorexia nervosa and their caregivers were recruited from 15 in-patient services in the UK. Families were randomised to ECHO (a book, DVDs and five coaching sessions per caregiver) or treatment as usual. Patient (n=178) and caregiver (n=268) outcomes were measured at discharge and 6 and 12 months after discharge.
ResultsPatients with caregivers in the ECHO group had reduced eating disorder psychopathology (EDE-Q) and improved quality of life (WHO-Quol; both effects small) and reduced in-patient bed days (7–12 months post-discharge). Caregivers in the ECHO group had reduced burden (Eating Disorder Symptom Impact Scale, EDSIS), expressed emotion (Family Questionnaire, FQ) and time spent caregiving at 6 months but these effects were diminished at 12 months.
ConclusionsSmall but sustained improvements in symptoms and bed use are seen in the intervention group. Moreover, caregivers were less burdened and spent less time providing care. Caregivers had most benefit at 6 months suggesting that booster sessions, perhaps jointly with the patients, may be needed to maintain the effect. Sharing skills and information with caregivers may be an effective way to improve outcomes. This randomised controlled trial (RCT) was registered with Current Controlled Trials ISRCTN06149665.
Notes
- David Weisburd, George Mason University, Virginia, John E. Eck, University of Cincinnati, Anthony A. Braga, John F. Kennedy School of Government, Massachusetts, Cody W. Telep, Arizona State University, Breanne Cave, George Mason University, Virginia, Kate Bowers, University College London, Gerben Bruinsma, VU University Amsterdam, Charlotte Gill, George Mason University, Virginia, Elizabeth R. Groff, Temple University, Philadelphia, Julie Hibdon, Southern Illinois University, Carbondale, Joshua C. Hinkle, Georgia State University, Shane D. Johnson, University College London, Brian Lawton, John Jay College of Criminal Justice, City University of New York, Cynthia Lum, George Mason University, Virginia, Jerry H. Ratcliffe, Temple University, Philadelphia, George Rengert, Temple University, Philadelphia, Travis Taniguchi, Sue-Ming Yang, George Mason University, Virginia
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- Place Matters
- Published online:
- 05 April 2016
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- 04 April 2016, pp 159-162
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Contents
- David Weisburd, George Mason University, Virginia, John E. Eck, University of Cincinnati, Anthony A. Braga, John F. Kennedy School of Government, Massachusetts, Cody W. Telep, Arizona State University, Breanne Cave, George Mason University, Virginia, Kate Bowers, University College London, Gerben Bruinsma, VU University Amsterdam, Charlotte Gill, George Mason University, Virginia, Elizabeth R. Groff, Temple University, Philadelphia, Julie Hibdon, Southern Illinois University, Carbondale, Joshua C. Hinkle, Georgia State University, Shane D. Johnson, University College London, Brian Lawton, John Jay College of Criminal Justice, City University of New York, Cynthia Lum, George Mason University, Virginia, Jerry H. Ratcliffe, Temple University, Philadelphia, George Rengert, Temple University, Philadelphia, Travis Taniguchi, Sue-Ming Yang, George Mason University, Virginia
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- Place Matters
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- 05 April 2016
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- 04 April 2016, pp v-vi
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Index
- David Weisburd, George Mason University, Virginia, John E. Eck, University of Cincinnati, Anthony A. Braga, John F. Kennedy School of Government, Massachusetts, Cody W. Telep, Arizona State University, Breanne Cave, George Mason University, Virginia, Kate Bowers, University College London, Gerben Bruinsma, VU University Amsterdam, Charlotte Gill, George Mason University, Virginia, Elizabeth R. Groff, Temple University, Philadelphia, Julie Hibdon, Southern Illinois University, Carbondale, Joshua C. Hinkle, Georgia State University, Shane D. Johnson, University College London, Brian Lawton, John Jay College of Criminal Justice, City University of New York, Cynthia Lum, George Mason University, Virginia, Jerry H. Ratcliffe, Temple University, Philadelphia, George Rengert, Temple University, Philadelphia, Travis Taniguchi, Sue-Ming Yang, George Mason University, Virginia
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- Place Matters
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- 05 April 2016
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- 04 April 2016, pp 197-200
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6 - Reducing Crime at High-Crime Places: Practice and Evidence
- David Weisburd, George Mason University, Virginia, John E. Eck, University of Cincinnati, Anthony A. Braga, John F. Kennedy School of Government, Massachusetts, Cody W. Telep, Arizona State University, Breanne Cave, George Mason University, Virginia, Kate Bowers, University College London, Gerben Bruinsma, VU University Amsterdam, Charlotte Gill, George Mason University, Virginia, Elizabeth R. Groff, Temple University, Philadelphia, Julie Hibdon, Southern Illinois University, Carbondale, Joshua C. Hinkle, Georgia State University, Shane D. Johnson, University College London, Brian Lawton, John Jay College of Criminal Justice, City University of New York, Cynthia Lum, George Mason University, Virginia, Jerry H. Ratcliffe, Temple University, Philadelphia, George Rengert, Temple University, Philadelphia, Travis Taniguchi, Sue-Ming Yang, George Mason University, Virginia
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- Place Matters
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- 05 April 2016
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- 04 April 2016, pp 113-139
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Summary
The fact that crime and disorder are concentrated at a few places is interesting and deserves an explanation. It is also interesting that places show up in other criminological theories and in other disciplines. And it is useful to understand the methods for studying places. However, a primary reason we are interested in high-crime places is that it might be possible to do something about crime by addressing these places. We are convinced that focusing on places can substantially reduce crime and disorder. Our conviction is not a matter of faith, but is based on over twenty-five years of accumulating evidence.
This chapter summarizes the research evidence examining whether focusing on crime places reduces crime. We first discuss a broad range of place-based prevention strategies examined by Eck and Guerrette (2012). This review provides strong evidence for a place-based approach to crime prevention. We then turn to a specific form of place-based crime prevention – hot spots policing (Sherman and Weisburd 1995). Again, we have a strong body of evidence supporting a place-based approach. Having reviewed hot spots policing, we turn to the importance of place managers and third parties in controlling problem places. We then examine an extension of the third-party approach to argue that a place-based approach to crime may free crime control policy from the police monopoly. Then we describe how a place-based approach to crime could be incorporated in community corrections to improve probation and parole outcomes. Finally, we review the larger body of research on the potential threat of crime displacement, and its opposite, the diffusion of crime control benefits. Consistently, the evidence described in this chapter clearly shows the substantial utility of a place-based approach for reducing crime.
SITUATIONAL CRIME PREVENTION AT PLACES
In Chapter 3 we argued for the importance of social disorganization theories for understanding crime places. This is an area where basic research suggests promise (e.g., see Weisburd et al. 2012; Weisburd et al. 2014), but where there is little evidence of effectiveness of specific practices. Such evidence is beginning to be developed, but we can say little at this juncture. In contrast, the evidence regarding opportunity reduction and crime has grown systematically over the last few decades.
2 - The Concentration of Crime at Place
- David Weisburd, George Mason University, Virginia, John E. Eck, University of Cincinnati, Anthony A. Braga, John F. Kennedy School of Government, Massachusetts, Cody W. Telep, Arizona State University, Breanne Cave, George Mason University, Virginia, Kate Bowers, University College London, Gerben Bruinsma, VU University Amsterdam, Charlotte Gill, George Mason University, Virginia, Elizabeth R. Groff, Temple University, Philadelphia, Julie Hibdon, Southern Illinois University, Carbondale, Joshua C. Hinkle, Georgia State University, Shane D. Johnson, University College London, Brian Lawton, John Jay College of Criminal Justice, City University of New York, Cynthia Lum, George Mason University, Virginia, Jerry H. Ratcliffe, Temple University, Philadelphia, George Rengert, Temple University, Philadelphia, Travis Taniguchi, Sue-Ming Yang, George Mason University, Virginia
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- Place Matters
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- 05 April 2016
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- 04 April 2016, pp 16-41
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Summary
Take a moment to imagine a crime occurring – perhaps a street robbery or a bag snatch. When you do this, it is difficult not to visualize the crime occurring in a particular setting or place. So, you might imagine a dark street corner with dim street lighting or seating in the outside area of a public bar. It seems intuitively sensible to analyze and understand crime at this unit of analysis – in other words, to investigate how criminals behave and crime concentrates at small microplaces. However, engaging in such microlevel analysis has tended to be a more recent criminological undertaking, and there are still many fruitful avenues to explore in terms of advancing both our knowledge and the sophistication of the methods that we use in this research area.
In this chapter, we raise and endeavor to answer a number of questions concerning the appropriate scale of analysis of criminological enquiry. To do this, we will start by defining what we mean by place and how this differs from other geographic concepts. Next, we highlight what has become the key catalyst for the criminology of place – the tremendous concentration of crime at microgeographic units of analysis. The strong and consistent concentration of crime at addresses, street segments, and other microgeographic units across cities is key to understanding why it is important to study the criminology of place and why it has such strong policy implications. We then turn to some additional statistical benefits of studying crime at microgeographic units that have to do with what is often termed “spatial interaction effects.” Finally, we examine problems that crime and place researchers will need to consider, and recommend some future directions for research exploring crime concentration at places.
PLACE AND SPACE
Geographic concepts are sometimes used in criminological research without a clear understanding of their meaning. Place and space are two such concepts. The subtle difference between them is important to keep in mind, as they can be a guide to establishing a carefully constructed study and influence the interpretation of findings. Furthermore, as will become apparent later in this chapter, a confusion of these concepts can mislead the reader in the interpretation of an argument. For example, it is important to keep in mind that place does not necessarily mean small units of analysis, nor does space necessarily refer to large areas.
Place Matters
- Criminology for the Twenty-First Century
- David Weisburd, John E. Eck, Anthony A. Braga, Cody W. Telep, Breanne Cave, Kate Bowers, Gerben Bruinsma, Charlotte Gill, Elizabeth R. Groff, Julie Hibdon, Joshua C. Hinkle, Shane D. Johnson, Brian Lawton, Cynthia Lum, Jerry H. Ratcliffe, George Rengert, Travis Taniguchi, Sue-Ming Yang
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- 05 April 2016
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- 04 April 2016
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Over the last two decades, there has been increased interest in the distribution of crime and other antisocial behavior at lower levels of geography. The focus on micro geography and its contribution to the understanding and prevention of crime has been called the 'criminology of place'. It pushes scholars to examine small geographic areas within cities, often as small as addresses or street segments, for their contribution to crime. Here, the authors describe what is known about crime and place, providing the most up-to-date and comprehensive review available. Place Matters shows that the study of criminology of place should be a central focus of criminology in the twenty-first century. It creates a tremendous opportunity for advancing our understanding of crime, and for addressing it. The book brings together eighteen top scholars in criminology and place to provide comprehensive research expanding across different themes.
4 - The Importance of Place in Mainstream Criminology and Related Fields: Influences and Lessons to be Learned
- David Weisburd, George Mason University, Virginia, John E. Eck, University of Cincinnati, Anthony A. Braga, John F. Kennedy School of Government, Massachusetts, Cody W. Telep, Arizona State University, Breanne Cave, George Mason University, Virginia, Kate Bowers, University College London, Gerben Bruinsma, VU University Amsterdam, Charlotte Gill, George Mason University, Virginia, Elizabeth R. Groff, Temple University, Philadelphia, Julie Hibdon, Southern Illinois University, Carbondale, Joshua C. Hinkle, Georgia State University, Shane D. Johnson, University College London, Brian Lawton, John Jay College of Criminal Justice, City University of New York, Cynthia Lum, George Mason University, Virginia, Jerry H. Ratcliffe, Temple University, Philadelphia, George Rengert, Temple University, Philadelphia, Travis Taniguchi, Sue-Ming Yang, George Mason University, Virginia
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- Place Matters
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- 05 April 2016
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- 04 April 2016, pp 68-85
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Summary
This chapter explores the importance of place in theory and research in both mainstream criminology and other disciplines. As we noted in earlier chapters, traditional criminology has focused primarily on understanding why people commit crime. This focus on criminality has generally inhibited study of microgeographies and their role in producing crime. However, more recently there has been a trend toward integrating microgeographic places into traditional theorizing about criminality. In the first part of the chapter we discuss this trend, focusing on some recent innovations in understanding criminality that have incorporated place-based perspectives. In the second part of the chapter we focus on how other disciplines have influenced thinking in this area, focusing in particular on contributions in psychology, economics, and public health. Finally, we explore how trends in other disciplines might influence future directions of study in the criminology of place.
THE GROWING ROLE OF MICROGEOGRAPHIC PLACES IN TRADITIONAL THEORIZING OF CRIMINALITY
As we noted in Chapter 1, places, at least at a macro level, played a key part in the development of criminology in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. But despite the role of place in crime in empirical study in Europe and theoretical development in the Chicago School through social disorganization theory, microgeographic places were mostly ignored. This was not because early criminologists failed to recognize the role of place in crime. Crime occurs in specific environments, and this was apparent to observers of the crime problem. Nonetheless, as we noted in Chapter 1, early criminologists did not see “crime places” – small discrete areas within communities – as a relevant focus of criminological study. This was the case, in part, because crime opportunities provided by places were assumed to be so numerous as to make concentration on specific places of little utility for theory or policy. What is the point of focusing theory or research on the opportunities offered by specific places if such opportunities can be found throughout the urban context?
Moreover, criminologists did not see the utility in focusing in on situational opportunities when criminal motivation was the key to understanding crime rates. Criminologists traditionally assumed that situational factors played a relatively minor role in explaining crime as compared with the “driving force of criminal dispositions” (Clarke and Felson 1993, 4; Trasler 1993).
3 - Theories of Crime and Place
- David Weisburd, George Mason University, Virginia, John E. Eck, University of Cincinnati, Anthony A. Braga, John F. Kennedy School of Government, Massachusetts, Cody W. Telep, Arizona State University, Breanne Cave, George Mason University, Virginia, Kate Bowers, University College London, Gerben Bruinsma, VU University Amsterdam, Charlotte Gill, George Mason University, Virginia, Elizabeth R. Groff, Temple University, Philadelphia, Julie Hibdon, Southern Illinois University, Carbondale, Joshua C. Hinkle, Georgia State University, Shane D. Johnson, University College London, Brian Lawton, John Jay College of Criminal Justice, City University of New York, Cynthia Lum, George Mason University, Virginia, Jerry H. Ratcliffe, Temple University, Philadelphia, George Rengert, Temple University, Philadelphia, Travis Taniguchi, Sue-Ming Yang, George Mason University, Virginia
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- Place Matters
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- 05 April 2016
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- 04 April 2016, pp 42-67
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Summary
In the previous chapter, we showed that crime is concentrated at very small geographic units, substantially smaller than neighborhoods, and that these concentrations, on average, are relatively stable. This is true whether examining high- or low-crime neighborhoods. Although high-crime places do cluster, they seldom form a homogeneous block of high-crime places. Rather, interspersed within concentrations of high-crime places are many low- and modest-crime places.
Why is crime concentrated in a relatively small number of places? Standard criminology has not asked this question, largely because standard criminology focuses on criminality and implicitly assumes that the density of offenders explains crime density. Recognition that place characteristics matter is the starting point for this chapter. We look at two perspectives on crime place characteristics. We use the term “perspective” because each type of explanation is comprised of multiple theories linked by a common orientation. The first perspective arises from opportunity theories of crime. The second perspective arises from social disorganization theories of crime.
We begin by contrasting two ways of thinking about how a place becomes a crime hot spot and suggest that the process by which high-crime places evolve must involve place characteristics. In the next sections, we examine opportunity and social disorganization explanations. In the final section of the chapter, we examine possible ways researchers might link these two perspectives.
PROCESSES THAT CREATE CRIME PLACES
Before we look for explanations of why places become hot spots of crime it is important to consider two processes that might lead to such an outcome. Criminologists have generally proposed two generic models to account for the processes that lead to variation in place susceptibility to crime. One model suggests that places may start with reasonably similar risks of an initial criminal attack, but once attacked the risk of a subsequent attack on the place rises. Over time, places diverge in their crime risk, and consequently in their crime counts. This temporal contagion model is also known as a boost model (see Chapter 2) or a state-dependence model. It puts the emphasis on offenders’ willingness to return to a previously successful crime site (Johnson et al. 2007; Townsley et al. 2000). It suggests that irrespective of initial crime risk the occurrence of a crime will lead to changes in risk of crime at a place.
List of figures
- David Weisburd, George Mason University, Virginia, John E. Eck, University of Cincinnati, Anthony A. Braga, John F. Kennedy School of Government, Massachusetts, Cody W. Telep, Arizona State University, Breanne Cave, George Mason University, Virginia, Kate Bowers, University College London, Gerben Bruinsma, VU University Amsterdam, Charlotte Gill, George Mason University, Virginia, Elizabeth R. Groff, Temple University, Philadelphia, Julie Hibdon, Southern Illinois University, Carbondale, Joshua C. Hinkle, Georgia State University, Shane D. Johnson, University College London, Brian Lawton, John Jay College of Criminal Justice, City University of New York, Cynthia Lum, George Mason University, Virginia, Jerry H. Ratcliffe, Temple University, Philadelphia, George Rengert, Temple University, Philadelphia, Travis Taniguchi, Sue-Ming Yang, George Mason University, Virginia
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- Place Matters
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- 05 April 2016
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- 04 April 2016, pp vii-x
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7 - Crime Places in the Criminological Imagination
- David Weisburd, George Mason University, Virginia, John E. Eck, University of Cincinnati, Anthony A. Braga, John F. Kennedy School of Government, Massachusetts, Cody W. Telep, Arizona State University, Breanne Cave, George Mason University, Virginia, Kate Bowers, University College London, Gerben Bruinsma, VU University Amsterdam, Charlotte Gill, George Mason University, Virginia, Elizabeth R. Groff, Temple University, Philadelphia, Julie Hibdon, Southern Illinois University, Carbondale, Joshua C. Hinkle, Georgia State University, Shane D. Johnson, University College London, Brian Lawton, John Jay College of Criminal Justice, City University of New York, Cynthia Lum, George Mason University, Virginia, Jerry H. Ratcliffe, Temple University, Philadelphia, George Rengert, Temple University, Philadelphia, Travis Taniguchi, Sue-Ming Yang, George Mason University, Virginia
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- Place Matters
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- 05 April 2016
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- 04 April 2016, pp 140-158
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Summary
We began this book by noting that criminologists have largely ignored the involvement of microgeographic places in crime. Mainstream criminologists have focused on “who done it?” and not “where done it?” (Sherman 1995). At least for the last century the key inquiries of crime and the key prevention approaches have looked to doing something about criminal motivation (Sutherland 1947; Reiss 1981). Why people commit crime has been the main focus of criminology (Brantingham and Brantingham 1990; Weisburd 2002), and catching and processing offenders has been the main focus of crime prevention (Weisburd 2008). In contrast, the criminology of place (Sherman et al. 1989; Weisburd et al. 2012), which began to develop in the 1980s and 1990s (Brantingham and Brantingham 1981; 1984; Eck 1994; Eck and Weisburd 1995; Roncek and Bell 1981; Weisburd and Green 1995a), provides an alternative vision of how we can understand crime and the crime problem. Like the emergence of community criminology during the same period (Bursik 1988; Morenoff et al. 2001; Sampson 2008; Sampson et al. 1997) the criminology of place has offered a new set of mechanisms for crime study and a new set of methods for doing something about the crime problem.
Theory has been a driving force in criminological study, and as we note below, we think that more not less attention to theory is important for advancing the criminology of place. However, theories are about something and try to explain something. When we change the unit of analysis, we are changing the target for theory. The criminology of place proposes a new target. It focuses on places, rather than people. Its goal is to explain the criminal involvement of microgeographic units rather than trying to explain the criminal involvement of people. This does not mean we ignore the role of individuals in the crime problem. But it does mean that we begin our inquiries with the place and see the individuals as only one part of the crime equation at places.
We have illustrated in the preceding chapters the extent to which theory, method, and empirical evidence about crime places have been developing over the last three decades. In this concluding chapter, we want to draw from our review of what is known some key themes that we think our work has identified, and key questions that still need to be answered.
Frontmatter
- David Weisburd, George Mason University, Virginia, John E. Eck, University of Cincinnati, Anthony A. Braga, John F. Kennedy School of Government, Massachusetts, Cody W. Telep, Arizona State University, Breanne Cave, George Mason University, Virginia, Kate Bowers, University College London, Gerben Bruinsma, VU University Amsterdam, Charlotte Gill, George Mason University, Virginia, Elizabeth R. Groff, Temple University, Philadelphia, Julie Hibdon, Southern Illinois University, Carbondale, Joshua C. Hinkle, Georgia State University, Shane D. Johnson, University College London, Brian Lawton, John Jay College of Criminal Justice, City University of New York, Cynthia Lum, George Mason University, Virginia, Jerry H. Ratcliffe, Temple University, Philadelphia, George Rengert, Temple University, Philadelphia, Travis Taniguchi, Sue-Ming Yang, George Mason University, Virginia
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References
- David Weisburd, George Mason University, Virginia, John E. Eck, University of Cincinnati, Anthony A. Braga, John F. Kennedy School of Government, Massachusetts, Cody W. Telep, Arizona State University, Breanne Cave, George Mason University, Virginia, Kate Bowers, University College London, Gerben Bruinsma, VU University Amsterdam, Charlotte Gill, George Mason University, Virginia, Elizabeth R. Groff, Temple University, Philadelphia, Julie Hibdon, Southern Illinois University, Carbondale, Joshua C. Hinkle, Georgia State University, Shane D. Johnson, University College London, Brian Lawton, John Jay College of Criminal Justice, City University of New York, Cynthia Lum, George Mason University, Virginia, Jerry H. Ratcliffe, Temple University, Philadelphia, George Rengert, Temple University, Philadelphia, Travis Taniguchi, Sue-Ming Yang, George Mason University, Virginia
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List of contributors
- David Weisburd, George Mason University, Virginia, John E. Eck, University of Cincinnati, Anthony A. Braga, John F. Kennedy School of Government, Massachusetts, Cody W. Telep, Arizona State University, Breanne Cave, George Mason University, Virginia, Kate Bowers, University College London, Gerben Bruinsma, VU University Amsterdam, Charlotte Gill, George Mason University, Virginia, Elizabeth R. Groff, Temple University, Philadelphia, Julie Hibdon, Southern Illinois University, Carbondale, Joshua C. Hinkle, Georgia State University, Shane D. Johnson, University College London, Brian Lawton, John Jay College of Criminal Justice, City University of New York, Cynthia Lum, George Mason University, Virginia, Jerry H. Ratcliffe, Temple University, Philadelphia, George Rengert, Temple University, Philadelphia, Travis Taniguchi, Sue-Ming Yang, George Mason University, Virginia
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1 - Crime Places within Criminological Thought
- David Weisburd, George Mason University, Virginia, John E. Eck, University of Cincinnati, Anthony A. Braga, John F. Kennedy School of Government, Massachusetts, Cody W. Telep, Arizona State University, Breanne Cave, George Mason University, Virginia, Kate Bowers, University College London, Gerben Bruinsma, VU University Amsterdam, Charlotte Gill, George Mason University, Virginia, Elizabeth R. Groff, Temple University, Philadelphia, Julie Hibdon, Southern Illinois University, Carbondale, Joshua C. Hinkle, Georgia State University, Shane D. Johnson, University College London, Brian Lawton, John Jay College of Criminal Justice, City University of New York, Cynthia Lum, George Mason University, Virginia, Jerry H. Ratcliffe, Temple University, Philadelphia, George Rengert, Temple University, Philadelphia, Travis Taniguchi, Sue-Ming Yang, George Mason University, Virginia
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Summary
A new perspective in criminology has emerged over the last three decades, a perspective with considerable potential to add to our understanding and control of crime. In the same way the invention of the microscope opened up a biological world scientists had not previously seen, this new perspective opens the world of small geographic features we had overlooked. Research has demonstrated that actions at these microplaces have strong connections to crime. Just as the microscope paved the way to new treatments and advances in public health, this new perspective in criminology is yielding improved ways of reducing crime. This new perspective shifts our attention from large geographic units, such as neighborhoods, to small units, such as street segments and addresses. This shift in the “units of analysis” transforms our understanding of the crime problem and what we can do about it.
There are two aspects to this shift in units. The first shifts our attention from large geographic units to small ones. This we have just mentioned. The second shifts our attention from people to events, from those who commit crimes to the crimes themselves. Criminology has been primarily focused on people (Brantingham and Brantingham 1990; Weisburd 2002). Frank Cullen (2011) noted in his Sutherland Address to the American Society of Criminology in 2010 that the focus of criminology has been even more specific. He argued that criminology was dominated by a paradigm, which he termed “adolescence-limited criminology,” that had focused primarily on adolescents.
To what extent have person-based studies dominated criminology? Weisburd (2015a) examined units of analysis in all empirical articles published in Criminology between 1990 and 2014. Criminology is the highest-impact journal in the field and the main scientific publication of the largest criminological society in the world, the American Society of Criminology. He identified 719 research articles. Of the 719 articles, two-thirds focused on people as units of analysis. The next main units of study were situations (15 percent) and macrogeographic areas such as cities and states (11 percent). Eck and Eck (2012) examined the 148 research papers published in Criminology and Public Policy from its first issue in 2001 until the end of 2010, and the 230 articles published in Criminal Justice Policy Review during the same time period.